Close this window

bulletWho wants the Euro and Why?
bulletGordon Brown's Five Criteria for entry into the Euro
bulletThe Case for the Single Currency
bulletThe Position of the New Stateman
bulletSovereignty in the Modern World

.

WHO WANTS THE EURO, AND WHY?


The Foreign Office
British diplomats have two deeply ingrained instincts, both of which make them avid for euro membership. The first is to hang on to British membership of any vaguely prestigious international club, such as the G7 or the UN Security Council -this is known as "having a seat at the top table" (the question of what is for dinner seems to be entirely beside the point). The second instinct is to avoid rows or "diplomatic incidents."

The Bank of England
Eddie George, the governor of the bank, has been making speeches questioning the wisdom of proceeding with the euro for a couple of years. He has raised serious economic points. But one cannot help wondering whether Mr. George's views are coloured by a disinclination to see the Bank of England relegated to the status of a branch office of the European central bank. This would be all the more galling since his job has become a lot more interesting, following the government's decision to hand the Bank control of interest rates.

The Treasury
For the Treasury , joining the euro would pose no direct threat to jealously-guarded powers. While the Bank would lose the power to set interest rates, the Treasury would not lose the power to set or collect taxes- at least not immediately.

The Unions
The days when Britain's trade unions saw the European Union as a capitalist plot are long gone. After the Thatcherite assault on the unions, the labour movement looked longingly to "social Europe" as a means of regaining lost powers. And indeed the Blair government's decision to sign Europe's social chapter was an important gain for the unions. Some British unions are beginning to suspect that European style works- councils might undercut their traditional role. But for the moment the unions remain firmly pro-Europe and pro-euro.

Big Business
You might suspect that anything the unions favoured, big business would oppose. Not so. The Confederation of British Industry (CBI) the largest grouping of basses, is basically in favour of Britain signing up to the euro. Rather than trying to accumulate power, like the unions, CBI members are accommodating themselves to where power already lies. According to the Department of Trade and Industry , some 70% of legislation affecting British business now emanates from Brussels. The CBI fears anything that might isolate Britain in Europe.

The City
For every voice expressing anxiety about the City's position if Britain stays out of the euro, there is another expressing supreme confidence that all will be well. That is partly because the City already does a huge amount of business that has nothing to do with sterling. For example; most of the more than $400 billion that changes hands daily on the London foreign-exchange markets IS either dollar, yen or Deutschmark business.

The Celtic Fringe
Some of the most ardent pro-Europeans are to be found in the ranks of Scottish nationalists. The existence of the European Union allows the Nats to argue that an independent Scotland will not become a hopelessly isolated northern outpost. Instead they imagine a thriving statelet with a larger Europe. According to this view, devolution and eventual independence for Scotland are of a piece with the creation of a federal Europe.

The English Establishment
Scottish nationalists favour Eurofederalism because it disperses power from London; many members of the English establishment, particularly on the right of the Tory party, fear it for exactly the same reason. At present, if a chap goes to the right schools and universities, and passes the right exams, he has a good shot at getting an interesting and well-rewarded job pulling on the levers of power in Britain. It is disconcerting to realise that, as power drifts to Brussels, the levers do not exert as much force as they once did. And when you are certain that you know your way around the nooks and crannies of the British establishment, how tiresome to have to learn a new and complicated game in Brussels.

Rupert Murdoch
The opposition of Rupert Murdoch to the euro is arguably the single most important fact in Britain's debate. The Blair government has a deep fear of the country's best- selling paper -the rabidly anti-euro and Murdoch-owned Sun. But what has Mr. Murdoch got against the euro? Brussels-bashing has always made good copy for his papers. But more seriously, the coming of the euro is part of a process involving the centralisation of economic power and decision-making in pan-European bodies. And if you were a media magnate with global interests, would you want to see the rise of an increasingly powerful pan-European regulator, with uncongenial ideas about "local content" requirement and cross-media ownership?

On the other hand, Mr. Murdoch's opposition to the euro may not be immutable. European regulators already have the ability to do Mr. Murdoch's business interests serious damage, and are holding back his plans for Sky TV in Europe. If Mr. Murdoch believed that changing his line on the euro would help him with the regulators, he might swiftly become more accommodating. After all, he is famously eager to get on with the Chinese Communist Party.

The Euro will lead to a major reduction in transaction costs. For businesses and inviduals in the country as a whole, savings could amount to as much as 0.5% of GDP, or around £25 billion a year at current values. This is not to be sniffed at. Furthermore, the euro will act as a sharp spur to improved competitiveness within the single market. Already one can see a downward effect on the prices of consumer goods in the Eurozone as compared with the UK as customers are able to make transparent cross-border price comparisons. The Euro will also help forge a large, single capital market across Europe, both in debt and corporate equity , which will help launch new businesses and feed companies with the liquidity they need to compete.

GORDON BROWN'S FIVE CRITERIA for ENTRY INTO THE EURO

1 Would joining EMU create better conditions for firms making long- term decisions to invest in the United Kingdom?

2 How would adopting the single currency affect our financial services?

3 Are business cycles and economic structures compatible so that we and others in Europe could live comfortably with euro interest rates on a permanent basis?

4 If problems do emerge, is there sufficient flexibility to deal with them?

5 Will joining EMU help to promote higher growth, stability and a lasting increase in jobs?

THE CASE FOR THE SINGLE CURRENCY
By
Richard Haskins

The benefits of a Single Market are well understood by Eurosceptics a~ well as the enthusiasts:

1.  Europe would become the largest internal free market in the wo bigger even than the United States.

2.  Such a market would offer business enormous opportunities to invest for scale, for innovation, for entrepreneurial opportunity . Costs would also be reduced. Competition, the driver of econon success, would be enhanced as a result.

3.  For consumers, the Single Market would offer greater choice, better services and better values, arising from increased competition.

4.  Increased, sustainable economic growth would, of course, furthl strengthen the political stability and interdependence between ti member states.

5.  This stability would be widened over time as more countries, particularly from the de-communised Eastern Europe, become members of the European Union.

THE POSITION OF THE NEW STATESMAN
as stated on the 17th May, 1999

The New Statesman's position is clear: we are strongly pro-European. But we doubt that a single currency can be sustained indefinitely without a single politics. The euro must entail, sooner or later, some kind of European federal government -but one that has, on the one hand, greater powers and, on the other, more accountability and public confidence than anything currently envisaged. It is, in our view, a weakness of the euro-debate on all sides that it fails to acknowledge this. The New Statesman has no great objection to a federal solution, provided large measures of autonomy for constituent nations are preserved. We recognise, all the same, that there is ample area for debate. That is why we think both sides of this important argument should be presented in detail.

SOVEREIGNITY IN THE MODERN WORLD
Extract of speech by Edward Heath

There are of course, powerful economic reasons for joining a single currency .It holds out the hope of lower interest rates, reduced business costs and steady inflation. Opting out of a single currency would be disastrous for our thriving financial services sector. Foreign banks have made it clear that they would regard London, not Frankfurt, as the financial centre of a single currency zone, and they have warned that London would be marginalised outside such a zone. Euro-Sceptics from all parties, however, have increasingly concentrated their arguments on politics and the issue of sovereignity. It is ironic that those who prate most about "sovereignity" are so often those who most warmly welcome the advances of modern capitalism, together with the constraints that market forces bring on a sovereign state.

Close this window